On Liberty and Utilitarianism 论自由与功利主义 [平装] 下载 mobi epub pdf 电子书 2025

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These two essays by John Stuart Mill, England's greatest nineteenth-century philosopher, are the fruit of six hundred years of progressive thought about individual rights and the responsibilities of society. Together they provide the moral and theoretical justification for liberal democracy as we know it, and their incalculable influence on modern history testifies not only to the force of their arguments, but also to the power ideas can have over human affairs.

内容简介

Together these two essays mark the philosophic cornerstone of democratic morality and represent a thought-provoking search for the true balance between the rights of the individual and the power of the state. Thoroughly schooled in the principles of the utilitarian movement founded by Jeremy Bentham, John Stuart Mill nevertheless brings his own unique intellectual energy to issues such as individual freedom, equality, authority, happiness, justice, and virtue.

On Liberty is Mill's famous examination of the nature of individuality and its crucial role in any social system that expects to remain creative and vital. Utilitarianism brilliantly expounds a pragmatic ethic based on one controversial proposition: actions are right only if they promote the common good and wrong if they do not. While much of Mill's thinking was eventually adopted by socialists, it is in today's democratic societies—with their troubling issues of crime, freedom of speech, and the boundaries of personal liberty—that his work resounds most powerfully.

作者简介

John Stuart Mill was a child of radicalism, born in 1806 into a rarefied realm of philosophic discourse. His father, who with Jeremy Bentham was a founding member of the utilitarian movement, was responsible for his son's education and saw to it that he was trained in the classics at an extraordinarily early age. In 1823 Mill gave up a career in law to become a clerk at the East India Company, where his father worked. Like his father, he rose to the position of chief examiner, which he held until he retired from the company in 1858.

While still in his teens, Mill began publishing articles and essays in various publications and became an editor of the London and Westminster Review, in 1835. In 1843 he published System of Logic, followed by Principles of Political Economy in 1848. Other important works include On Liberty (1859), Utilitarianism (1863), The Subjection of Women (written 1861, published 1869), and Autobiography (published posthumously in 1873).

Mill married Harriet Hardy Taylor in 1851, and her influence on his thinking and writing has been widely cited. The couple worked together on On Liberty, and the essay is dedicated to her memory–she died in 1858. After serving as a member of Parliament from 1865, to 1868, Mill retired to France and died at Avignon in 1873.

It took scholars several decades before they fully examined John Stuart Mill's unique and systematic contributions to ethical and logical traditions. For today's students of economics, philosophy, and politics he remains a vibrant and preeminent figure.

精彩书评

"A wonderful edition... "
-- Irving Louis Horowitz, Rutgers University

"Alexander should be commended for making this invaluable material accessible to scholars and students... "
-- Maria H. Moralies, Florida State University

"An impressively compact and engaging introduction and a well-chosen selection of ancillary materials..."
-- Eileen Gillooly, Columbia University

"The introduction offers fresh insights... "
--Thomas Christiano, University of Arizona

精彩书摘

Chapter One

Introduction

THE SUBJECT of this Essay is not the so-called Liberty of the Will, so unfortunately opposed to the misnamed doctrine of Philosophical Necessity; but Civil, or Social Liberty: the nature and limits of the power which can be legitimately exercised by society over the individual. A question seldom stated, and hardly ever discussed, in general terms, but which profoundly influences the practical controversies of the age by its latent presence, and is likely soon to make itself recognized as the vital question of the future. It is so far from being new, that, in a certain sense, it has divided mankind, almost from the remotest ages; but in the stage of progress into which the more civilized portions of the species have now entered, it presents itself under new conditions, and requires a different and more fundamental treatment.

The struggle between Liberty and Authority is the most conspicuous feature in the portions of history with which we are earliest familiar, particularly in that of Greece, Rome, and England. But in old times this contest was between subjects, or some classes of subjects, and the Government. By liberty, was meant protection against the tyranny of the political rulers. The rulers were conceived (except in some of the popular governments of Greece) as in a necessarily antagonistic position to the people whom they ruled. They consisted of a governing One, or a governing tribe or caste, who derived their authority from inheritance or conquest, who, at all events, did not hold it at the pleasure of the governed, and whose supremacy men did not venture, perhaps did not desire, to contest, whatever precautions might be taken against its oppressive exercise. Their power was regarded as necessary, but also as highly dangerous; as a weapon which they would attempt to use against their subjects, no less than against external enemies. To prevent the weaker members of the community from being preyed upon by innumerable vultures, it was needful that there should be an animal of prey stronger than the rest, commissioned to keep them down. But as the king of the vultures would be no less bent upon preying on the flock than any of the minor harpies, it was indispensable to be in a perpetual attitude of defence against his beak and claws. The aim, therefore, of patriots was to set limits to the power which the ruler should be suffered to exercise over the community; and this limitation was what they meant by liberty. It was attempted in two ways. First, by obtaining a recognition of certain immunities, called political liberties or rights, which it was to be regarded as a breach of duty in the ruler to infringe, and which, if he did infringe, specific resistance, or general rebellion, was held to be justifiable. A second, and generally a later expedient, was the establishment of constitutional checks, by which the consent of the community, or of a body of some sort, supposed to represent its interests, was made a necessary condition to some of the more important acts of the governing power. To the first of these modes of limitation, the ruling power, in most European countries, was compelled, more or less, to submit. It was not so with the second; and, to attain this, or when already in some degree possessed, to attain it more completely, became everywhere the principal object of the lovers of liberty. And so long as mankind were content to combat one enemy by another, and to be ruled by a master, on condition of being guaranteed more or less efficaciously against his tyranny, they did not carry their aspirations beyond this point.

A time, however, came, in the progress of human affairs, when men ceased to think it a necessity of nature that their governors should be an independent power, opposed in interest to themselves. It appeared to them much better that the various magistrates of the State should be their tenants or delegates, revocable at their pleasure. In that way alone, it seemed, could they have complete security that the powers of government would never be abused to their disadvantage. By degrees this new demand for elective and temporary rulers became the prominent object of the exertions of the popular party, wherever any such party existed; and superseded, to a considerable extent, the previous efforts to limit the power of rulers. As the struggle proceeded for making the ruling power emanate from the periodical choice of the ruled, some persons began to think that too much importance had been attached to the limitation of the power itself. That (it might seem) was a resource against rulers whose interests were habitually opposed to those of the people. What was now wanted was, that the rulers should be identified with the people; that their interest and will should be the interest and will of the nation. The nation did not need to be protected against its own will. There was no fear of its tyrannizing over itself. Let the rulers be effectually responsible to it, promptly removable by it, and it could afford to trust them with power of which it could itself dictate the use to be made. Their power was but the nation's own power, concentrated, and in a form convenient for exercise. This mode of On Liberty and Utilitarianism 论自由与功利主义 [平装] 下载 mobi epub pdf txt 电子书 格式

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晕，那是我买的书啊。原来我下订单的时候，忘了把地址改过来，送到她那儿去了。这下可把她乐死了，把我先前对她的嘲笑全还给我了。不过京东送货确实很快。这天朋友打电话问我借本书，说她写作需要参考，我说我家没有，但我可以帮你找。我一边接电话一边就上网搜索，很快找到，立马告诉她网上京东有。她说我不会在网上买书啊。我自己又上网购书，但下订单后，左等右等不来。以前从来不超过一星期的。就是担心书很快烂？从书中，你往往可以发现自己身上的不足之处，使你不断地改正错误，摆正自己前进的方向。所以，书也是我们的良师益友。 多读书，可以让你变聪明，变得有智慧去战胜对手。书让你变得更聪明，你就可以勇敢地面对困难。让你用自己的方法来解决这个问题。这样，你又向你自己的人生道路上迈出了一步。 多读书，也能使你的心情便得快乐。读书也是一种休闲，一种娱乐的方式。读书可以调节身体的血管流动，使你身心健康。所以在书的海洋里遨游也是一种无限快乐的事情。用读书来为自己放松心情也是一种十分明智的。总之，爱好读书是好事。让我们都来读书吧。薛老师在自序中写道，“我是特意捕捉了清风、乐声和野芳，录在这里，专门用于鼓励自己，就算是不定期地给自己献一小朵小花吧——真诚美丽的文字，正是心灵开出的花朵。”又一次阐述了她的人生信念——-真诚。读了全书，给我最深刻的感受也是她的真诚，我看到了一个真实的人，一个真诚的老师。当学生的时候，老师是权威，跟老师的交往总是处于向上看的状态，学生是一定要小心翼翼的，多数情况还是听老师说的多，自己发表意见少。现在当了家长，为了孩子跟老师也没少打交道，但是一直觉得自己好多真实的想法不敢说，老师呢，说出来的也有一些让人觉得是官话套话。看了这本书，我想我们也许都错了，老师跟学生、老师跟家长，平等地真诚的交流其实并不难。我正奇怪呢，刘静打电话来笑嘻嘻地说，哎，也不知道是谁，心眼儿那么好，又帮我订了好几本书，全是我想要的，太好了。我一听，连忙问她是哪几本？她一一说出书名，我还是喜欢看真诚的人写真诚的话。未必有多智慧，但真诚的人勇于面对过去的自己，面对自己过去的或鲁莽或傻缺等种种不成熟的言语或行为，不至因尴尬而干脆装疯卖傻。 书里的一句让我看了就想死的话是“如今我变成了自己年轻时看一眼就想死的模样”。 就在买方卖方都在考虑成本的同时，京东做了一个表率性的举动。只要达到某个会员级别，不分品类实行全场免运费。作者说年轻时的自己“有着狰狞的外表，和温柔的心，而现在却相反。”我完全相信他所言不虚，即使现在外表依然不怎么温柔我和女友都很满意。好了，废话不说。|宝贝非常不错，和图片上描述的完全吻合，丝毫不差，无论色泽还是哪些方面，都十分让我觉得应该称赞较好，完美！ 书是正品，很不错！我嘲笑她一番，然后表示帮她买。很快就写好订单写好她的地址发出去了。。激情永远不能放在口头上，放在口头上就是闷骚——马上就给你扣帽子。你必须“一个巴掌上去，给人看到五根手指头”，他们才觉得你和他们一样。一样了，接下去才可以交流。不一样就要培养，培养不出，就是你领不清同学推荐我买的这个果然不错 同学推荐我买的这个果然不错 真心给力的一本书，喜欢这个作者！书质量很好，纸张不错！物流挺好，派送迅速。快递态度ok。送货上门,服务好 速度很快，包装精美，每一本都有塑封，书很新

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妈的 评价不了 老是敏感词，京东你要死啊！

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返券，便宜，很好的书

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我为什么喜欢在京东买东西，因为今天买明天就可以送到。我为什么每个商品的评价都一样，因为在京东买的东西太多太多了，导致积累了很多未评价的订单，所以我统一用这段话作为评价内容。京东购物这么久，有买到很好的产品，也有买到比较坑的产品，如果我用这段话来评价，说明这款产品没问题，至少85分以上，而比较垃圾的产品，我绝对不会偷懒到复制粘贴评价，我绝对会用心的差评，这样其他消费者在购买的时候会作为参考，会影响该商品销量，而商家也会因此改进商品质量。

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收到这本约翰·斯图尔特·密尔的名著，其实是两个名著，论自由和功利主义。希望自己能够好好读读英文经典，提高英文水平。不要找任何借口，好好读一读这本书吧。整个有关自由的立论是他基于功利主义的方法论的延续，密尔认为不涉及他人利害的行为，他人都无权加以干涉，亦即密尔提出的伤害原则在自由问题的适用。一方面，欧洲文明受惠于“道路选择的多样性”，现实世界多样性与差异性是人类社会本该追求的目标状态。他认为只有保证个人在其自由疆界内自由追求个人福利的状况，才能够保持世界的多样性，以及提供给人们功利意义上的多样性和差异性带来的福利。“让人类按照他们自己认为好的方式生活，比强迫他们按别人认为好的方式生活，对人类更有益”。

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居然一个汉字都没有。标价都是美元，没想到这么小一本，还挺贵的?

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全英文版本，不知道是不是原版

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全英文版本，不知道是不是原版

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不错，物美价廉，印刷清晰，是正版，就是物流太慢

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