改革新藍圖（2013-2020）（英文版） [China: Embracing the Market Economy 2.0] pdf epub mobi txt 電子書 下載 2025

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新京報 著

圖書標籤:

• China
• Economic Reform
• Market Economy
• Policy
• Development
• 2013-2020
• China's Economy
• Political Economy
• Globalization
• Innovation

齣版社： 五洲傳播齣版社

ISBN：9787508526898

版次：1

商品編碼：11515060

包裝：平裝

外文名稱：China: Embracing the Market Economy 2.0

開本：16開

齣版時間：2014-03-01

用紙：純質紙

頁數：159

正文語種：英文

編輯推薦

《改革新藍圖》一書包括著名經濟學者吳敬璉、成思危、林毅夫、遲福林對十八屆三中全會後中國經濟改革的展望；針對中國未來十年預期，對中國經濟學傢和公眾展開的問捲調查總結；還包括張維迎、辜勝阻、王健林等二十六位經濟學傢、企業傢對中國未來經濟趨勢的預測。內容全麵，對中國經濟的發展做瞭較為全麵的把握。

This book has the well-known Chinese economists Wu Jinglian, Cheng Siwei, Lin Yifu, and Chi Fulin on China’s economic reform after the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee. Also include the prediction for the future economy by 30 economists and entrepreneurs such as Zhang Weiying, Gu Shengzu and Wang Jianlin.

內容簡介

《改革新藍圖》一書包括著名經濟學者吳敬璉、成思危、林毅夫、遲福林對十八屆三中全會後中國經濟改革的展望；針對中國未來十年預期，對中國經濟學傢和公眾展開的問捲調查總結；還包括張維迎、辜勝阻、王健林等二十六位經濟學傢、企業傢對中國未來經濟趨勢的預測。內容全麵，對中國經濟的發展做瞭較為全麵的把握。

The Third Plenary Session of 18th CPC Central Committee pointed out that in order to realize the Chinese dream of the great renewal of Chinese nation, we must deepen the all-round reform at a new historic starting point, the key of which is economic structural reform. The Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee pointed out that we must deepen economic reform focusing on the major issue that market must play a decisive role in resource allocation, and we must stick to and improve the basic economic system, improve modern market system, speed up the improvement of modern market system, macro-economic regulation system, and open economic system, accelerate the transformation of economic growth mode, set up an innovative country to develop a more efficient, more fair and more sustainable economy. This reform is a new starting point of China’s market economic construction, at which the CPC Central Committee draws a blueprint for China’s economic development.

作者簡介

新京報是光明日報主管、光明日報和南方日報兩大報業集團聯閤主辦的綜閤類大型城市日報，是中國一傢獲正式批準的跨地區聯閤辦報試點，也是中國一傢股份製結構的時政類報紙。

The Beijing News was established in Beijing on November 11, 2003. It enjoys the reputation of a widely influential cosmopolitan newspaper focusing mainly on reporting current affairs.

目錄

CONTENTS

The beginning of economic reform in a new era

Anticipate a market economy of “version 2.0”

Deal with the relationship between the government and the market

China is expected to be a high-income country in 2020

Adjustment of interest structure is the key to reform

Economist: the biggest dividend comes from reform in the next decade

Reform of leading team deserves expectation

Let private capital exert catfish effect in financial reform

Property tax is not suitable for China’s national conditions

Growth of the housing price will slow down in 2014

Retail industry undergoes the third reform

China’s economic future depends on reform

Mobile devices will be everywhere

Anti-corruption should rely on system reform

The growth rate of e-commerce will be far more than GDP

Growth is expected to maintain 8% in future

There is a huge bonus space in reform

Decline in economic growth is a necessary price

Demographic debt always after the demographic dividend

Entrepreneurs will enter a period of great changes

The benefits of China’s (Shanghai) Pilot Free Trade Zone will be clear in half a year

Internet finance is the theme of 2014

Government should use fewer economic stimulus policies

Reducing housing vacancy rate can temper price

Improvement of China’s wealth transparency

Focus of urbanization: Clearing the institutional obstacle

Urgency of the reform of income distribution

Booming budget airlines

Decentralization is the reform highlight in 2013

Investment efficiency of state-owned enterprises should be improved urgently

The dust in electric business platform competition does not fall

More enterprises to enter the agriculture is a good thing

The Decision on Major Issues Concerning Comprehensively Deepening Reforms in brief

精彩書摘

Property tax is not suitable for China’s

national conditions

Xu Shanda

Xu Shanda, the former deputy director of China’s State Administration of Taxation, holds many offices and he has ever been an enterprise employee, researcher, and a government official. Now he is devoted to tax reform.

As a firm opponent of property tax, facing questions, he responded that his practice should not be simply taken as speaking for the rich; concerning property issues, he firstly becomes the spokesman of the lowincome group.

A science and technology graduate with good logic thinking as he is, he prefers humanity history to natural scenery and has a taste for works of arts.

Lately, he wrote an article in Century Tide to review the political wisdom of former Premier Zhu Rongji in fiscal and taxation reform in 1993. A comment of this article by Zhu Rongji said that, “vivid scene of that year leaps from the page”.

Property tax has not been approved by local governments

Q: You opposed the imposition of property tax on residential house before, but now what’s your opinion?

Xu: It has been four years since property tax was put forth. After four years’ implementation, it is proved that the property tax should not be levied. Now the pilot places for property tax are Shanghai and Chongqing, China. But until now, Shanghai municipal government has never mentioned its successful pilot of property tax, even if Chongqing mayor Huang Qifan has ever indicated the pilot is very successful in Chongqing, but the collection range there is narrowed down year by year.

In 2011, the taxable price for high-end homes was 9941 RMB per square meter; in 2012, it was changed to 12152 RMB per square meter; in 2013, a new standard of it is 12779 RMB per square meter. In three years of piloting, property tax threshold is increased by 2838 RMB per square meter. It seems illogical conclusion that the pilot is successful, while the range of collection is narrowed year by year.

Meanwhile, except the two pilot cities, no local government volunteers to be the pilot place to levy property tax. On the contrary, upon being rumored to be the pilot place, many local governments will clarify the truth immediately. Such thing ever happened in areas such as Beijing, Shenzhen, Nanjing, Hangzhou, Hunan, and Hubei. We can see that almost no local governments approve property tax. When Shenzhen was rumored to be the pilot place, its mayor cleared with three sentences: if the central government has designated Shenzhen as the pilot place, we will do our best to carry out. But until now, we have not received any directive from the central government to levy property tax in Shenzhen. Finally, local government now has no pilot project in Shenzhen.

Property tax originally is local tax, but it is not approved by local governments, and practice has proved this to be true, because for many years no local government except the two pilot places is willing to levy property tax.

Q: Why?

Xu: Originally, there are three objectives in the pilot to reform property tax. The first objective is to increase local government revenue, but now we can see that it doesn’t make any difference to it, because the property tax income for governments in Shanghai and Chongqing is not decent, let alone, this taxation can deal with revenue problems of local governments. The second objective is to reduce China’s household income gap, but practice proves that it doesn’t work. The third objective is to lower housing price, but the fact is that obviously the housing price in Shanghai and Chongqing is rising, rather than decreasing.

The above are the three objectives proposed by proponent to pilot property tax, but none of the three objectives has been realized, so it is not unreasonable that local governments are not willing to pilot property tax. So I don’t agree to enlarge pilot area for property tax, on the contrary, I think that this practice should be stopped in the two pilot places. Collecting residential property tax is unsuitable to the conditions in China.

前言/序言

The beginning of economic reform in a new era

It is clear that China’s market economic construction has come to a new start. At this juncture, by convention, the Beijing News tries to look into China’s economic future at the end of the year.

The Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee responded to the market’s expectation on reform. In the Third Plenum Communique, the word “reform” has been mentioned 59 times, far more than ever before, which shows the difficulty, urgency and determination of reform.

Where should the reform start from? Opinions vary. This conference responded to this by putting forth 15 key points of reform such as “Improving modern market system”, which declared the start of economic reform in a new era. To be more specific, looking ahead, we expect to have China’s market economy system further updated, and this expectation is worthwhile.

It was in 1994, when the Third Plenary Session of the 14th CPC Central Committee was held, that China’s market economic system began to be established. After 20 years’ development, the dividends of the new economic system have undoubtedly benefited the great majority of Chinese people and profoundly transformed the structure of the world economy. Though in the last 20 years many problems have accumulated in the process of China’s marketization process, and tremendous differences exist among people benefiting from reform, yet it is believed that China’s move to market economy is irreversible. Therefore, it is urgently required that we should resolve problems in reform with greater determination and start the new era of reform.

By looking back, we can say that the construction of China’s market economy in the past 20 years is the fundamental cause underlying China’s continuously rapid growth to the world second largest economy; however, we cannot deny that the rapid growth is not only the dividends from transition into market system, but also closely related to the “dividends from globalization” as China has joined the WTO and has been actively involved in the world economic system. The world gradually becomes “flat” for China with fading advantage of backwardness. It is a top priority to begin updating the imperfect market economic system.

To update, we need to face up to the problems existing in the current market economic system and deal with them one by one.

To sum up, though the old planned economic system has been transformed into the market economic system, the remains of the former one are still hindering market-oriented reform.

For example, in our economy, we can see that planned economy still prevails but takes “review and approval” as a cover-up. Review and approval still exists for a grand aim that has never been achieved; much worse, it has become a means to rent-seeking. For example, the construction of every steel mill should go through a series of review and approval, but the result of this is that we set up a market with overcapacity. Another example is that, from the central government to the local governments, a specific plan for the industry is made, but at times, we are faced with the reality that the industrial structure should be readjusted. But we rarely meet such troubles in less-regulated industries.

One reason for these problems is that the role of market in resource allocation is restricted to some extent, and the relation between market and government is not well coordinated. Another reason is that market in China is still not unified.

In the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee, the top priority of economic system reform has been pointed out clearly that we should strike a balance between the role of the government and that of the market and make sure that market plays a decisive role in resource allocation so as to set up a unified and open market system with orderly competition. This response is also a conclusive rescue to the ills of China’s market economic system over the past 20 years. In that sense, we should give due respect to market and get it to play its role deserved and operate openly under the rule of laws. All this is a starting point to update China’s economic system.

Take Chinese economist Wu Jinglian’s word, we can say that previous market economic system in China is an old 1.0 version, whereas after the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee the version has been updated to 2.0 version, under which the property rights should be protected adequately, prices should be very open, government’s right to manage market should be clearly defined, monopoly and local protectionism should be eliminated, and private capital and state-owned capital should be equally treated.

In order to achieve these aims, we must “properly deal with the relation between the government and market” just as has been pointed out in the Third Plenary Session of the 18th CPC Central Committee. As to the relation between government and market, the former should decentralize its power to the latter. In addition, it has been declared in this session that we must unswervingly strengthen and develop the public economy, and also unswervingly encourage, support and guide the development of the non-public economy, and treat state capital and private capital alike. All these measures are the indispensable steps to update market economic system.

This Third Plenary Session can be regarded as a blueprint for China to deepen all-round reform. But the so-called blueprint is just a starting point in our new journey of economic reform.

Chief editor of Economic Information Department of the Beijing

News

Wang Haitao

《改革新藍圖（2013-2020）》（英文版） 引言 2013年至2020年，是中國經濟社會發展曆程中一段至關重要的時期。在此七年間，中國以前所未有的決心和力度，開啓瞭一場深刻的、全方位的改革。這場改革並非對既往政策的簡單延續，而是一次對發展模式的再思考、對體製機製的再優化、對國傢治理能力的再提升，其核心在於構建一個更加成熟、更具活力的社會主義市場經濟體製，為中國未來的可持續發展奠定堅實基礎。本書《改革新藍圖（2013-2020）》（英文版），旨在深入剖析這一時期中國改革的戰略部署、關鍵舉措及其深遠影響，為理解中國經濟的轉型升級、社會治理的創新以及中國在全球格局中的角色演變提供一個全麵的視角。 第一部分：頂層設計的戰略基石——十八屆三中全會的深遠影響 2013年11月，中國共産黨第十八屆中央委員會第三次全體會議（簡稱“十八屆三中全會”）召開，通過瞭《中共中央關於全麵深化改革若乾重大問題的決定》。這份文件被譽為“改革新藍圖”，它係統性地迴答瞭“中國嚮何處去”、“如何改革”等根本性問題，為未來七年的改革指明瞭方嚮，奠定瞭戰略基石。 1. 堅持和完善社會主義基本經濟製度，使市場在資源配置中起決定性作用和更好發揮政府作用。 這是十八屆三中全會最核心、最具突破性的論斷。它明確瞭市場在經濟活動中的主導地位，要求最大限度地發揮市場機製的活力，釋放經濟發展的潛能。同時，也強調瞭政府的“更好發揮作用”，這意味著政府的角色將從直接乾預轉嚮優化營商環境、維護市場公平、提供公共服務等方麵，構建一個更加高效、有序的市場生態。 2. 深化經濟體製改革。 文件著力於破解經濟發展中的深層矛盾和體製性障礙。 要素市場化配置改革： 重點在於破除阻礙生産要素（如勞動力、資本、土地、技術、數據）自由流動的體製機製弊端，提高要素配置效率，激發全社會創造力。例如，農村土地製度改革、戶籍製度改革、金融市場改革等都在此框架下展開。 混閤所有製經濟發展： 強調要毫不動搖鞏固和發展公有製經濟，毫不動搖鼓勵、支持、引導非公有製經濟發展。推動國有企業混閤所有製改革，鼓勵各類資本參與國有企業改革，形成股權多元化、治理機製靈活的市場主體，提升國有經濟活力和競爭力。 財稅體製改革： 健全中央和地方財力事權相匹配的財政體製，推進稅收法定，健全地方稅體係，完善轉移支付製度，優化財政資源配置，減輕企業和居民負擔。 金融體製改革： 深化利率市場化改革，推進人民幣國際化，健全金融機構治理，有效防範和化解金融風險，更好地服務實體經濟。 3. 深化行政體製改革。 旨在轉變政府職能，簡政放權，優化政府結構，提高行政效率。 簡政放權： 大力削減行政審批事項，取消不必要的證明和蓋章，最大限度地擠壓尋租空間，激發市場主體活力。 優化政府職責體係和組織結構： 推進機構改革，整閤職能相近的部門，理順職責關係，避免多頭管理和職責交叉。 建設服務型政府： 強調政府的公共服務職能，提升政府治理能力和公共服務水平，滿足人民日益增長的美好生活需要。 4. 深化司法體製改革。 旨在建設公正高效權威的社會主義司法製度，維護社會公平正義。 健全司法權力運行機製： 明確司法權力的邊界，防止權力濫用，保障司法獨立性。 完善以審判為中心的刑事訴訟製度： 提高偵查、起訴、審判的銜接性，保障當事人的訴訟權利。 深化案件管理製度改革： 提高司法效率，減輕當事人訴纍。 5. 深化文化體製改革。 旨在建設社會主義文化強國，激發文化創新創造活力。 健全現代公共文化服務體係： 滿足人民群眾日益增長的文化需求。 推動文化産業繁榮發展： 鼓勵文化産品和服務創新，提升文化産業競爭力。 健全文化市場體係： 規範文化市場秩序，促進文化交流互鑒。 6. 深化社會體製改革。 旨在建設公平正義、民主法治、安定有序的社會。 健全促進就業的體製機製： 健全覆蓋全民、統籌城鄉、公平統一、安全規範、可持續的多層次社會保障體係。 健全基本公共服務體係： 促進教育、醫療、養老等基本公共服務均等化。 健全城鄉發展一體化體製機製： 促進城鄉要素流動，縮小城鄉差距。 7. 深化生態文明體製改革。 旨在建設美麗中國，實現經濟發展與環境保護的協同。 健全自然資源産權製度： 明確自然資源的所有權和使用權。 健全生態保護補償製度： 建立生態補償機製，激勵生態保護。 健全環境治理體係： 加強環境汙染防治，提升生態環境質量。 8. 深化國防和軍隊改革。 旨在建設一支強大的現代化軍隊，維護國傢主權、安全和發展利益。 推進聯閤作戰指揮體製改革： 提高軍隊的聯閤作戰能力。 構建中國特色現代軍事力量體係： 優化軍事結構，提升軍事現代化水平。 9. 健全黨的建設製度。 強調堅持和改善黨的領導，提高黨的執政能力和領導水平，為改革提供堅強的政治保證。 第二部分：改革的重點領域與關鍵舉措（2013-2020） 在十八屆三中全會精神的指引下，2013年至2020年期間，中國在多個關鍵領域推齣瞭具有裏程碑意義的改革舉措，這些舉措既是對頂層設計藍圖的具體落實，也對中國經濟社會發展産生瞭深遠影響。 1. 經濟發展模式的轉型升級： 供給側結構性改革： 2015年底，中央經濟工作會議首次提齣供給側結構性改革，將去産能、去庫存、去杠杆、降成本、補短闆作為主攻方嚮。這一改革旨在解決經濟發展中長期存在的結構性問題，推動經濟發展從要素驅動嚮創新驅動轉變。 “放管服”改革深化： “簡政放權、放管結閤、優化服務”改革持續深化，大幅削減行政審批事項，優化營商環境，激發市場主體活力。例如，“證照分離”改革、全程網上審批等措施的推廣，極大地便利瞭企業注冊和運營。 創新驅動發展戰略： 加大科技創新投入，建設國傢實驗室，推動關鍵核心技術攻關，深化科技體製改革，激發全社會創新創業活力。大眾創業、萬眾創新成為時代潮流。 對外開放新格局： 積極推進“一帶一路”倡議，拓展國際閤作空間；設立自貿試驗區，探索製度創新，打造更高水平的對外開放新局麵；推動人民幣國際化，構建更加開放的金融體係。 2. 社會治理體係的現代化： 平安中國建設： 加強社會治安綜閤治理，維護社會穩定，構建和諧社會。 法治中國建設： 推進依法治國，健全法治體係，提高依法執政、依法行政、依法辦事水平。 社會保障體係建設： 持續推進社會保障製度改革，擴大覆蓋麵，提高保障水平，健全多層次社會保障體係。 健康中國戰略： 深化醫藥衛生體製改革，推動分級診療，加強公共衛生體係建設，提高人民健康水平。 3. 生態文明建設的裏程碑： 環保督察常態化： 建立並實施中央環保督察製度，有效解決瞭一批突齣環境問題，有力推動瞭地方政府的環保責任落實。 生態文明製度體係建設： 健全自然資源資産産權製度，推進生態環境損害賠償製度改革，建立生態保護紅綫製度，將環境保護納入經濟社會發展評價體係。 綠色發展理念深入人心： 推動能源結構優化，發展清潔能源，推廣綠色生産方式和生活方式，建設美麗中國。 4. 黨的自我革命與全麵從嚴治黨： 反腐敗鬥爭： 持續推進反腐敗鬥爭，堅持“老虎”、“蒼蠅”一起打，形成不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐的體製機製。 黨內政治生活： 強調嚴肅黨內政治生活，加強黨性修養，提高黨的執政能力和領導水平。 製度建設： 健全黨內監督製度，完善權力運行製約和監督機製。 第三部分：改革的成效與影響 2013年至2020年的改革，是中國經濟社會發展史上濃墨重彩的一筆，其成效體現在多個層麵： 經濟高質量發展取得顯著進展： 經濟結構不斷優化，新動能加快成長，創新驅動作用日益凸顯，經濟發展質量和效益顯著提升。 市場活力和社會創造力得到極大激發： 簡政放權、優化營商環境等改革措施，降低瞭市場準入門檻，激發瞭各類市場主體的活力，為經濟增長注入瞭新的動力。 人民生活水平顯著提高： 居民收入持續增長，脫貧攻堅取得曆史性成就，教育、醫療、養老等基本公共服務體係不斷完善，人民群眾的獲得感、幸福感、安全感顯著增強。 生態環境持續改善： 綠色發展理念深入人心，汙染防治取得積極成效，人民群眾對優美生態環境的期待得到更好滿足。 國傢治理體係和治理能力現代化水平不斷提升： 改革的係統性、整體性、協同性增強，為實現國傢長治久安提供瞭製度保障。 中國國際地位和影響力顯著提升： 更加開放的中國為世界經濟增長注入瞭新動力，中國在全球治理中的作用日益凸顯。 結語 《改革新藍圖（2013-2020）》（英文版）並非僅僅是對過往政策的簡單迴顧，而是對中國在深刻變革時期所展現齣的戰略遠見、改革決心和治理智慧的深刻解讀。這一時期的改革，是中國經濟社會發展進入新常態、邁嚮高質量發展的關鍵時期，它不僅塑造瞭今天的中國，也為未來的中國發展奠定瞭堅實的基礎。本書的齣版，希望能幫助讀者更深入地理解中國改革的邏輯、動力與方嚮，從而更全麵地認識正在發生的中國。

評分☆☆☆☆☆

閱讀涉及國傢宏觀戰略的書籍時，一個常常被忽視但至關重要的方麵是其國際語境的嵌入性。2013到2020年間，全球地緣政治的緊張局勢與貿易保護主義的抬頭，對中國的改革進程無疑構成瞭巨大的外部壓力。因此，我非常關注書中對“雙循環”戰略的早期醞釀和部署是否有深入的探討。改革的藍圖，絕不可能是在真空裏繪製的，它必然是對外部不確定性的主動迴應和戰略預判。這本書是否能清晰地闡釋，在外部環境趨緊的背景下，內部改革的節奏和側重點是如何調整的？特彆是在金融開放和人民幣國際化方麵，外部的衝擊是否加速瞭某些內部改革的步伐？這種內外部因素的交互作用，是理解中國經濟韌性的關鍵所在。我期待作者能提供一種動態的、辯證的視角，而不是將內部改革視為一個孤立的進程，而是將其置於全球化與逆全球化角力的宏大棋局中進行考察。

評分☆☆☆☆☆

這本書的英文譯名，[China: Embracing the Market Economy 2.0]，本身就提齣瞭一個極具挑戰性的命題：如果說1.0是鄧小平時代的“摸著石頭過河”，那麼2.0版本又意味著什麼？這不僅僅是量的積纍，更可能是質的飛躍或路徑的根本性調整。我個人對於這種“升級換代”的論述非常感興趣。它暗示著中國經濟體製的演進不再是簡單的修補或微調，而是需要一套全新的理論框架和操作指南來指導。我希望能從書中看到對“新常態”下，要素市場化、政府職能轉變、國有企業改革等核心議題的深入剖析。更重要的是，這種“2.0”的提法，是否意味著在某些領域，中國正在嘗試跳齣傳統西方經濟學的範式，構建一套具有自身特色的、更具適應性的現代化路徑？這種跨越式的理論建構，往往是理解一個國傢未來走嚮的鑰匙。它要求作者具備極強的理論功底和敏銳的現實洞察力，纔能描繪齣這一宏大敘事的清晰輪廓。

評分☆☆☆☆☆

從純粹的學術閱讀體驗來看，這本書的翻譯質量和注釋的詳盡程度，直接決定瞭其作為英文版讀物的價值。如果它旨在麵嚮國際讀者闡釋中國復雜的改革邏輯，那麼語言的精確性和概念的清晰度就顯得尤為重要。我希望譯者不僅是簡單地將中文術語對譯，而是能真正捕捉到那些帶有中國特定政治經濟含義的詞匯，並提供恰當的解釋，確保西方讀者能夠理解其深層次的含義，避免“翻譯陷阱”。例如，像“簡政放權”或“混閤所有製”這類詞匯，在不同的文化語境下很容易産生歧義。一本優秀的國際視野下的學術著作，應該緻力於充當一座跨文化的橋梁，用清晰、嚴謹的邏輯引導讀者進入一個復雜的體係。因此，對書中引用的官方文件、專傢訪談的來源標注，以及對關鍵術語的背景介紹，我都非常看重，因為它們構成瞭支撐起整個“藍圖”論述的堅實地基。

評分☆☆☆☆☆

作為一個長期關注區域發展和産業政策的讀者，我對書中可能涉及的地方政府行為和産業集群發展的內容抱有極大的期待。改革的落地，最終要體現在每一塊土地上的投資決策和資源配置中。我希望這本書能夠提供一些具體的案例研究，展示在新的政策導嚮下，哪些地區成為瞭改革的先行者，他們采用瞭哪些創新的治理模式來激發市場活力。例如，在供給側結構性改革的浪潮中，傳統重工業基地是如何實現鳳凰涅槃的？高新技術産業的爆發式增長背後，政府的引導基金和監管框架又扮演瞭何種微妙的角色？這些細節，往往是宏觀經濟數據無法完全捕捉到的。一本好的改革史，不應該隻是高層會議的記錄，更應該是無數企業傢的汗水和地方官員的智慧交織而成的復雜織物。我期待這本書能夠提供這種多維度的視角，讓讀者能夠感受到改革的“溫度”和“力度”。

評分☆☆☆☆☆

這部著作的標題，光是“改革新藍圖”這幾個字，就勾勒齣瞭一幅波瀾壯闊的曆史畫捲，讓人不禁聯想到那個風雲激蕩的年代。我記得我拿到這本書的時候，正值對中國經濟轉型期充滿好奇和探索欲的時候。這本書的厚度，以及封麵上那種沉穩、略帶曆史感的字體設計，都暗示著其中蘊含著深刻的洞見與詳實的資料。我之所以被它吸引，首先是因為它聚焦於一個極其關鍵的時間窗口——2013年到2020年，這不僅是中國深化改革進入攻堅期的關鍵階段，也是全球經濟格局發生深刻變化的重要時期。作者顯然沒有滿足於宏觀敘事，而是試圖穿透那些官方報告的錶層，去探究在具體政策製定和執行層麵，究竟有哪些“新藍圖”在被繪製和描摹。我期待看到的是，作者如何巧妙地平衡瞭頂層設計與基層實踐之間的關係，那些宏大的戰略構想是如何在復雜的現實土壤中生根發芽，又遇到瞭哪些意想不到的阻力或催化劑。這種對過程的細緻描摹，遠比單純的結果展示更引人入勝，因為它揭示瞭決策背後的邏輯鏈條和人性博弈。